APDL Eductation Resources/APDL Eductation Resources.iso/text/political/us/DEC_ARMS

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          DECLARATION OF THE CAUSES AND NECESSITY OF TAKING UP ARMS

                                July 6, 1775

      A declaration by the representatives of the united colonies of
      North  America, now met in Congress at Philadelphia, setting
      forth the causes  and necessity of their taking up arms.

      If it was possible for men, who exercise their reason to  believe,
      that the divine Author of our existence intended a part of the
      human race to hold an absolute property in, and an  unbounded
      power over others, marked out by his infinite goodness and wisdom,
      as the objects of a legal domination never  rightfully resistible,
      however severe and oppressive, the  inhabitants of these colonies
      might at least require from the  parliament of Great-Britain some
      evidence, that this dreadful  authority over them, has been
      granted to that body. But a  reverance for our Creator, principles
      of humanity, and the  dictates of common sense, must convince all
      those who reflect  upon the subject, that government was
      instituted to promote the welfare of mankind, and ought to be
      administered for the  attainment of that end. The legislature of
      Great-Britain,  however, stimulated by an inordinate passion for a
      power not  only unjustifiable, but which they know to be
      peculiarly  reprobated by the very constitution of that kingdom,
      and  desparate of success in any mode of contest, where regard
      should be had to truth, law, or right, have at length, deserting
      those, attempted to effect their cruel and impolitic purpose of
      enslaving these colonies by violence, and have thereby rendered it
      necessary for us to close with their last appeal from reason to
      arms. Yet, however blinded that  assembly may be, by their
      intemperate rage for unlimited domination, so to sight justice and
      the opinion of mankind, we esteem ourselves bound by obligations
      of respect to the rest of the world, to make known the justice of
      our cause. Our forefathers, inhabitants of the island of
      Great-Britain, left their native land, to seek on these shores a
      residence for civil and religious freedom. At the expense of their
      blood, at the hazard of their fortunes, without the least charge
      to the country from which they removed, by unceasing labour, and
      an unconquerable spirit, they effected settlements in the distant
      and unhospitable wilds of America, then filled with numerous and
      warlike barbarians. -- Societies or governments, vested with
      perfect legislatures, were formed  under charters from the crown,
      and an harmonious intercourse was established between the colonies
      and the kingdom from which they derived their origin. The mutual
      benefits of this union became in a short time so extraordinary, as
      to excite  astonishment. It is universally confessed, that the
      amazing increase of the wealth, strength, and navigation of the
      realm, arose from this  source; and the minister, who so wisely
      and successfully directed the measures of Great-Britain in the
      late war, publicly declared, that these colonies enabled her to
      triumph over her enemies. --Towards the conclusion of that war, it
      pleased our sovereign to make a change in his counsels. -- From
      that fatal movement, the affairs of the British empire began to
      fall into confusion, and gradually sliding from the  summit of
      glorious prosperity, to which they had been advanced by the
      virtues and abilities of one man, are at length distracted by the
      convulsions, that now shake it to its deepest foundations. -- The
      new ministry finding the brave foes of Britain, though frequently
      defeated, yet still contending, took up the unfortunate idea of
      granting them a hasty peace, and then subduing her faithful
      friends.

      These colonies were judged to be in such a state, as to present
      victories without bloodshed, and all the easy emoluments of
      statuteable plunder. -- The uninterrupted tenor of their
      peaceable and respectful behaviour from the beginning of
      colonization, their dutiful, zealous, and useful services during
      the war, though so recently and amply acknowledged in the most
      honourable manner by his majesty, by the late king, and by
      parliament, could not save them from the meditated  innovations.
      -- Parliament was influenced to adopt the pernicious project, and
      assuming a new power over them, have in the course of eleven
      years, given such decisive specimens of the spirit and
      consequences attending this power, as to leave no doubt concerning
      the effects of acquiescence under it. They have undertaken to give
      and grant our money without our consent, though we have ever
      exercised an exclusive right to dispose of our own property;
      statutes have been passed for extending the jurisdiction of courts
      of admiralty and  vice-admiralty beyond their ancient limits; for
      depriving us of the accustomed and inestimable privilege of trial
      by jury, in cases affecting both life and property; for suspending
      the legislature of one of the colonies; for interdicting all
      commerce to the capital of  another; and for altering
      fundamentally the form of government  established by charter, and
      secured by acts of its own legislature solemnly confirmed by the
      crown; for exempting the "murderers" of colonists from legal
      trial, and in effect, from punishment; for erecting in a
      neighbouring province, acquired by the joint arms of
      Great-Britain and America, a despotism dangerous to our very
      existence; and for quartering soldiers upon the colonists in time
      of profound peace. It has also been resolved in parliament, that
      colonists charged with committing certain offences, shall be
      transported to England to be tried. But why should we enumerate
      our injuries in detail? By one  statute it is declared, that
      parliament can "of right make laws  to bind us in all cases
      whatsoever." What is to defend us  against so enormous, so
      unlimited a power? Not a single man of  those who assume it, is
      chosen by us; or is subject to our  control or influence; but, on
      the contrary, they are all of them  exempt from the operation of
      such laws, and an American revenue,  if not diverted from the
      ostensible purposes for which it is  raised, would actually
      lighten their own burdens in proportion,  as they increase ours.
      We saw the misery to which such despotism  would reduce us. We for
      ten years incessantly and ineffectually  besieged the throne as
      supplicants; we reasoned, we remonstrated  with parliament, in the
      most mild and decent language.

      Administration sensible that we should regard these oppressive
      measures as freemen ought to do, sent over fleets and armies to
      enforce them.  The indignation of the Americans was roused, it is
      true; but it was the indignation of a virtuous, loyal, and
      affectionate people. A Congress of delegates from the United
      Colonies was assembled at Philadelphia, on the fifth day of last
      September. We resolved again to offer an humble and dutiful
      petition to the King, and also addressed our fellow-subjects of
      Great-Britain. We have pursued every temperate, every respectful
      measure; we have even proceeded to break off our commercial
      intercourse with our fellow-subjects, as the last peaceable
      admonition, that our attachment to no nation upon earth should
      supplant our attachment to liberty. -- This, we flattered
      ourselves, was the ultimate step of the controversy: but
      subsequent events have shewn, how vain was this hope of finding
      moderation in our enemies.

      Several threatening expressions against the colonies were
      inserted in his majesty's speech; our petition, tho' we were  told
      it was a decent one, and that his majesty had been pleased  to
      receive it graciously, and to promise laying it before his
      parliament, was huddled into both houses among a bundle of
      American papers, and there neglected. The lords and commons in
      their address, in the month of February, said, that "a rebellion
      at that time actually existed within the province of
      Massachusetts- Bay; and that those concerned with it, had been
      countenanced and encouraged by unlawful combinations and
      engagements, entered into by his majesty's subjects in several of
      the other colonies; and therefore they besought his majesty, that
      he would take the most effectual measures to inforce due obediance
      to the laws and  authority of the supreme legislature." -- Soon
      after, the commercial intercourse of whole colonies, with foreign
      countries, and with each other, was cut off by an act of
      parliament; by another several of them were intirely prohibited
      from the fisheries in the seas near their coasts, on which they
      always depended for their sustenance; and large  reinforcements of
      ships and troops were immediately sent over to  general Gage.

      Fruitless were all the entreaties, arguments, and eloquence of an
      illustrious band of the most distinguished peers, and commoners,
      who nobly and strenuously asserted the justice of our cause, to
      stay, or even to mitigate the heedless fury with which these
      accumulated and unexampled outrages were hurried on. -- equally
      fruitless was the interference of the city of London, of Bristol,
      and many other respectable towns in our favor.  Parliament adopted
      an insidious manoeuvre calculated to divide us, to establish a
      perpetual auction of taxations where colony should bid against
      colony, all of them uninformed what ransom would redeem their
      lives; and thus to extort from us, at the point of the bayonet,
      the unknown sums that should be sufficient to gratify, if possible
      to gratify, ministerial rapacity, with the miserable indulgence
      left to us of raising, in our own mode,  the prescribed tribute.
      What terms more rigid and humiliating could  have been dictated by
      remorseless victors to conquered enemies? in our circumstances to
      accept them, would be to deserve them.

      Soon after the intelligence of these proceedings arrived on this
      continent, general Gage, who in the course of the last year had
      taken possession of the town of Boston, in the province of
      Massachusetts-Bay, and still occupied it a garrison, on the 19th
      day of April, sent out from that place a large detachment of his
      army, who made an unprovoked assault on the inhabitants of the
      said province, at the town of Lexington, as appears by the
      affidavits of a great number of persons, some of whom were
      officers and soldiers of that detachment, murdered eight of the
      inhabitants, and wounded many others. From thence the troops
      proceeded in warlike array to the town of Concord, where they set
      upon another party of the inhabitants of the same province,
      killing several and wounding more, until compelled to retreat by
      the country people suddenly assembled to repel this cruel
      aggression.  Hostilities, thus commenced by the British troops,
      have been since prosecuted by them without regard to faith or
      reputation. -- The inhabitants of Boston being confined within
      that town by the general their governor, and having, in order to
      procure their dismission, entered into a treaty with him, it was
      stipulated that the said inhabitants having deposited their arms
      with their own magistrate, should have liberty to depart, taking
      with them their other effects.  They accordingly delivered up
      their arms, but in open violation of honour, in defiance of the
      obligation of treaties, which even savage nations esteemed
      sacred, the governor ordered the arms deposited as aforesaid,
      that they might be preserved for their owners, to be seized by a
      body of soldiers; detained the greatest part of the inhabitants
      in the town, and compelled the few who were permitted to retire,
      to leave their most valuable effects behind.

      By this perfidy wives are separated from their husbands, children
      from their parents, the aged and the sick from their relations and
      friends, who wish to attend and comfort them; and those who have
      been used to live in plenty and even elegance, are reduced to
      deplorable distress.

      The general, further emulating his ministerial masters, by a
      proclamation bearing date on the 12th day of June, after venting
      the grossest falsehoods and calumnies against the good people of
      these colonies, proceeds to "declare them all, either by name or
      description, to be rebels and traitors, to supercede the course
      of the common law, and instead thereof to publish and order the
      use and exercise of the law martial." -- His troops have
      butchered our countrymen, have wantonly burnt Charlestown,
      besides a considerable number of houses in other places; our
      ships and vessels are seized; the necessary supplies of
      provisions are intercepted, and he is exerting his utmost power
      to spread destruction and devastation around him.

      We have rceived certain intelligence, that general Carleton, the
      governor of Canada, is instigating the people of that province and
      the Indians to fall upon us; and we have but too much reason to
      apprehend, that schemes have been formed to excite domestic
      enemies against us.  In brief, a part of these colonies now feel,
      and all of them are sure of feeling, as far as the vengeance of
      administration can inflict them, the complicated calamities of
      fire, sword and famine. [1] We are  reduced to the alternative of
      chusing an unconditional submission to the tyranny of irritated
      ministers, or resistance by force. -- The latter is our choice. --
      We have counted the cost of this contest, and find nothing so
      dreadful as voluntary slavery. -- Honour, justice, and humanity,
      forbid us tamely to surrender that freedom which we received  from
      our gallant ancestors, and which our innocent posterity have a
      right to receive from us.  We cannot endure the infamy and guilt
      of resigning succeeding generations to that wretchedness which
      inevitably awaits them, if we basely entail hereditary bondage
      upon them.

      Our cause is just. Our union is perfect. Our internal resources
      are great, and, if necessary, foreign assistance is undoubtedly
      attainable. -- We gratefully acknowledge, as signal instances of
      the Divine favour towards us, that his Providence would not permit
      us to be called into this severe controversy, until we were grown
      up to our present strength, had been previously exercised in
      warlike operation, and possessed of the means of defending
      ourselves. With hearts fortified with these animating reflections,
      we most solemnly, before God and the  world, declare, that,
      exerting the utmost energy of those powers, which our beneficent
      Creator hath graciously bestowed upon us, the arms we  have been
      compelled by our enemies to assume, we will, in defiance of every
      hazard, with unabating firmness and  perseverence, employ for the
      preservation of our liberties; being  with one mind resolved to
      die freemen rather than to live slaves.

      Lest this declaration should disquiet the minds of our friends
      and fellow-subjects in any part of the empire, we assure them
      that we mean not to dissolve that union which has so long and so
      happily subsisted between us, and which we sincerely wish to see
      restored. -- Necessity has not yet driven us into that desperate
      measure, or induced us to excite any other nation to war against
      them. -- We have not raised armies with ambitious designs of
      separating from Great-Britain, and establishing independent
      states. We fight not for glory or for conquest. We exhibit to
      mankind the remarkable spectacle of a people attacked by
      unprovoked enemies, without any imputation or even suspicion of
      offence. They boast of their privileges and civilization, and  yet
      proffer no milder conditions than servitude or death.

      In our own native land, in defence of the freedom that is our
      birthright, and which we ever enjoyed till the late violation of
      it -- for the protection of our property, acquired solely by the
      honest industry of our fore-fathers and ourselves, against
      violence actually offered, we have taken up arms. We shall lay
      them down when hostilities shall cease on the part of the
      aggressors, and all danger of their being renewed shall be
      removed, and not before.

      With an humble confidence in the mercies of the supreme and
      impartial Judge and Ruler of the Universe, we most devoutly
      implore his divine goodness to protect us happily through this
      great conflict, to dispose our adversaries to reconciliation on
      reasonable terms, and thereby to relieve the empire from the
      calamities of civil war.



      Notes: [1] From this point onwards thought to be the work of
      Jefferson. [2] Journal of Congress, edited 1800, I, pp 134-139



       BACKGROUND:

      The Second Continental Congress was remarkable for several
      things, not the least of which was selecting George Washington  as
      the Commander In Chief of the Continental Army being created  to
      fight the British Army assembled at Boston. You will recall  that
      the "Boston Massacre" and events at Lexington, Concord, and
      Breeds Hill (next to Bunker Hill) had only recently stirred up
      the fighting in the northeastern colonies.  Once the business of
      creating an army was taken care of, it was deemed necessary to
      inform the world of the reasons why the colonies had taken  up
      arms. The first attempt at drafting such a declaration was by
      Thomas Jefferson, but was ruled far too militant. A second
      attempt was made by Colonel John Dickinson, known for earlier
      pamphlets in which he called himself "The Farmer". The final
      result was apparently a combination of both writers.

      Strange that Dickinson should create such a document; he was
      under considerable pressure from both his wife and mother, both
      Tory sympathizers, and he was no great fan of the New England
      representatives to the Congress. An incident related in _A New
      Age Now Begins_, written by Page Smith, marks him as an even  more
      unlikely choice for the writer of such a declaration:

         "Dickinson once more had his way when Congress approved
          still another petition to the king. Dickinson was
          delighted when it passed and rose to express his pleasure.
          There was only one word to which he objected since it
          might possibly offend His Majesty, and that was the word
          'Congress'. Whereupon Benjamin Harrison of Virginia
          promptly rose and, inclining his head to John Hancock,
          declared, 'There is but one word in the paper, Mr.
          President, of which I approve, and that is the word
          "Congress"."

      In any case, above is the complete text of that document
      published almost exactly a year before the Declaration of
      Independence.